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Some see Yair's Israeli eclecticism as an expression of ideological immaturity, of indecisiveness. In fact it reflects his ability — alone among today's leaders — to define the Israeli center. These voters agree with the left about the dangers of occupation and with the right about the dangers of a delusional peace. In , Lapid and his party were surging in the polls. According to journalist Angelo Persichilli , Italian Christian Democratic Party leader Aldo Moro 's call for "parallel convergence" prefigured today's calls for radical centrism. In Spain, Albert Rivera and his Ciudadanos Citizens party have been described as radical centrist by Politico , [] as well as by Spanish-language commentators and news outlets.

We can't beat them when it comes to populism. What Ciudadanos aspires to is radical, courageous changes backed by numbers, data, proposals, economists, technicians and capable people". Some commentators identify Ross Perot's U. Matthew Miller acknowledges that Perot had enough principle to support a gasoline tax hike, [] Halstead and Lind note that he popularized the idea of balancing the budget [] and John Avlon says he crystallized popular distrust of partisan extremes.

Joe Klein mocked one of Perot's campaign gaffes and said he was not a sufficiently substantial figure. According to John Avlon, they pioneered the combination of fiscal prudence and social tolerance that has served as a model for radical centrist governance ever since. In the decade of the s, a number of governors and mayors — most prominently, California governor Arnold Schwarzenegger and New York City mayor Michael Bloomberg — were celebrated by Time magazine as "action heroes" who looked beyond partisanship to get things done.

In the s, the radical centrist movement in the U. In , for example, The New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman called for "a Tea Party of the radical center", an organized national pressure group. In , Friedman championed Americans Elect , an insurgent group of radical centrist Democrats, Republicans and independents who were hoping to run an independent Presidential candidate in While no independent radical-centrist presidential candidate emerged in , John Avlon emphasized the fact that independent voters remain the fastest-growing portion of the electorate.

In late , the No Labels organization, co-founded by Avlon, [] called a national "Problem Solver" convention to discuss how to best reduce political polarization and promote political solutions that could bridge the left-right divide. By the mids, several exponents of radical centrism had run, albeit unsuccessfully, for seats in the United States Congress , including Matthew Miller in California [] and Dave Anderson in Maryland.

Even before the 21st century, some observers were criticizing what they saw as radical centrism. In the s, liberal political cartoonist Jules Feiffer employed the term "radical middle" to mock what he saw as the timid and pretentious outlook of the American political class. Some 21st-century commentators argue that radical centrist policies are not substantially different from conventional centrist ideas.

Others contend that radical centrist policies lack clarity.

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For example, in journalist Eric Alterman said that the New America Foundation think tank was neither liberal nor progressive and did not know what it was. In , in a 1,word article for CounterPunch entitled "Beware the Radical Center", Canadian writer Ryan Shah characterized radical centrism as a just-in-time "repackaging" of neoliberalism meant to sustain the political, economic, and social status quo.

By contrast, some observers claim that radical centrist ideas are too different from mainstream policies to be viable. Some have suggested that radical centrists may be making false assumptions about their effectiveness or appeal. In the United States, for example, political analyst James Joyner found that states adopting non-partisan redistricting commissions , a favorite radical-centrist proposal, have been no more fiscally responsible than states without such commissions.

Radical centrist attitudes have also been criticized. For example, many bloggers have characterized Thomas Friedman 's columns on radical centrism as elitist and glib. Some observers question the wisdom of seeking consensus, post-partisanship or reconciliation in political life. Other observers feel radical centrists are misreading the political situation. For example, conservative journalist Ramesh Ponnuru says liberals and conservatives are not ideologically opposed to such radical centrist measures as limiting entitlements and raising taxes to cover national expenditures.

Instead, voters are opposed to them and things will change when voters can be convinced otherwise. The third-party strategy favored by many U. According to these critics, what is needed instead is a reform of the legislative process; and b candidates in existing political parties who will support radical centrist ideas. After spending time with a variety of radical centrists, Alec MacGillis of The New Republic concluded that their perspectives are so disparate that they could never come together to build a viable political organization. Some radical centrists are less than sanguine about their future.

One concern is co-optation. For example, Michael Lind worries that the enthusiasm for the term radical center, on the part of "arbiters of the conventional wisdom", may signal a weakening of the radical vision implied by the term. Another concern is passion. John Avlon fears that some centrists cannot resist the lure of passionate partisans, whom he calls " wingnuts ".

The Final Frontier

McCormick , [63] see radical centrism as primarily a commitment to process. In , The Atlantic portrayed Egyptian Islamic cleric Ali Gomaa as the voice of an emergent form of radical Islam — "traditionalism without the extremism". The purpose of dialogue should not be to convert others, but rather to share with them one's principles.

Sincere dialogue should strengthen one's faith while breaking down barriers. Dialogue is a process of exploration and coming to know the other, as much as it is an example of clarifying one's own positions. Therefore, when one dialogues with others, what is desired is to explore their ways of thinking, so as to correct misconceptions in our own minds and arrive at common ground. In , former American football player and Green Beret soldier Nate Boyer suggested that his "radical middle" stance could help address the issues and resolve the controversy surrounding U.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Part of a series on Liberalism History. Age of Enlightenment List of liberal theorists contributions to liberal theory. Schools of thought. Regional variants. Related topics. Bias in academia Bias in the media. Religious conservatism. Christian right Christian fundamentalism Jewish right Islamic fundamentalism Traditionalist Catholic.

National variants. Earlyst-century radical centrist authors included former Green activist Mark Satin left and former Republican activist John Avlon right. By the s, radical centrist political actors were said to include Australia's Noel Pearson [] right and Brazil's Marina Silva [] left. Examples include head vs. Dionne 's book Why Americans Hate Politics. His version of neoliberalism is separate from what came to be known internationally as neoliberalism.

For example, in former U. Defense Secretary Elliot Richardson stated: "I am a moderate — a radical moderate. I believe profoundly in the ultimate value of human dignity and equality". The Futurist , vol. Publication of the World Future Society. Article focuses primarily on Mark Satin's book Radical Middle. Retrieved 7 February Westview Press and Basic Books, p. Basic Books, Chaps. Columbia Journalism Review. Retrieved 1 February USA Today newspaper, p.

Retrieved 5 March Oxford University Press. Higgins, Kathleen M. A Short History of Philosophy. Oxford University Press, pp. Vineyard International Publishing, pp. The Guardian London. Washington City Paper , pp 6—8. Do You Believe in Magic? The New York Times Magazine , p. Retrieved 5 October Random House, pp. University of Notre Dame Press, Chap. Tarcher Inc. Marginalized in the Middle.

University of Chicago Press, p. New York Magazine , vol. Pantheon Books, p. Newsweek , vol. Web version identifies the author as "Newsweek Staff". Retrieved 18 January The New Republic , vol. Retrieved 17 April Time magazine, vol. Retrieved 21 February Why Americans Hate Politics. Polity Press, pp. The Nev York Times , p.

The Third Way and Its Critics. Polity Press, Chap. The New Statesman , p. Retrieved 7 January Politico website. Retrieved 31 December Scribner, p. The Washington Post , Style section, p. Ecological Politics: Ecofeminism and the Greens. Temple University Press, pp. Utne Reader , issue no. McCormick , and Joel Rogers. Retrieved 3 February Paperback edition, pp. International Business Times , UK edition, online. Retrieved 26 January The Guardian. I true, dyed in the wool free market ideologue is more willing to embrace uncertainty and change than the most hide-bound social democrat.

Fundamentally this is junk science because the test subjects numbering less than 50 are mostly college students which exclude vast bastions of lessor educated liberals or conservatives. Drawing any conclusion about a larger population from a small highly exclusive population is harmful and says far more about the researchers publishing the study and their intentions than any conclusion about the subjects at hand.

As someone who is socially liberal this study does little more than confirm liberal policies fail simply because liberals desire to drink their own Kool-Aid. For example, current educational policy encourages parents to move to the best school districts they can afford resulting in massive poverty in poorly performing school districts. When does the emperor admit they have no clothes? A truly educated person easily admits when they have failed, goes back to the drawing board and looks at ways to fix their error.

I am not aware of many psychologists questioning it. Second, the argument about conservatives and change makes perfect sense. This is not at all the same thing as the kind of change that progressives want. Responding to first: Psychological motives and political orientation—The left, the right, and the rigid: Comment on Jost et al.

Psychological Bulletin, Vol 3 , May , Also, even simply looking at the samples, Not one of the Jost et al. Not one was in Central Africa. South Africa is essentially governed by liberalism and western thought today. The only sample in the Middle East was in Israel. In essence, Israel is also a western country, but drifting away from Western thought.

This survey was a sampling of ONLY western civilization and can not claim to the universality of conservative thought. At most, the Jost paper may make an argument for the shape of conservatives in the West, which is essentially governed by liberalism in both its conservative and progressive thought. It does not make an effective argument for the universality of conservative psychology.

The earlier Jost et al paper also claims that conservatives are more superstitious on balance, which it uses to support the argument that conservatives are more emotional, but gallup polling has long shown that with the exception of religiosity, conservatives are less superstitious on balance than self-described liberals.

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The Jost paper ignores that fact to create its argument. Only the fact that Jost and Kruglanski are prolific writers has created the impression that this data is well backed up. That and the fact that an academy that discriminates against conservatives is unlikely to produce many papers which contradict any argument which puts conservatives in a bad light. Any rational study of political history teaches anyone who cares to look that authoritarianism is universal and egalitarian leftist regimes have been as authoritarian as hierarchical rightist regimes.

As to the second: It still serves to undermine the argument conservatives are not change seeking. Over respondents, among whom were conservatives and liberals who were asked to rank the top criteria they seek in jobs. The top criteria for both leftist and rightists was interesting work, but the second criteria was potential for advancement for the right-wing respondents while it was higher pay for the left-wing respondents.

In this case, the right-wing were looking for greater opportunity for change advancement while the liberals were looking for greater stability. There is more complexity here that needs to be ferreted out. It may be a good argument, but right now it is shaded to make conservatives look bad. I am a liberal, not a conservative and not a progressive. I happen to agree with Republicans more today because they are more liberal than the Democrats in trying to protect economic freedoms and prevent government theft of property, but I also side more with the Democrats when the Republicans try to enforce some ridiculous morality on civil society.

No democracy can exist without a robust civil society, yet much leftist thought is based on homogenizing society to get rid of dissent. I can not abide that. Hence while interesting and perhaps merits further study this single result is of no value in itself. One interesting conclusion we can draw is that just as humans need to be both logical and emotional to peform best in life, we equally need both liberals and conservatives for different but important reasons in order for society to be at its best.

In short, too much stability and we stagnate; too much innovation and we disintegrate. This fits squarely with the conservative stereotype that liberals are arrogant. One could equally interpret the results to mean that conservatives are more compassionate and ethical since empathy is the central element in these valued-traits. In addition, conservatives would generally make better leaders since emotional self-awareness and empathy are central components in emotional intelligence. Since the enlargement is on the right amygdala, conservatives are better able to control their emotions making them less prone to sophistry or demagoguery.

This also enhances their ability to lead since they are better able to respond to changing circumstances without a purely visceral reaction. In other words, greater emotional self-management makes them more objective and principle-driven.

Wonks in Exile

As demonstrated in the paper I linked to regarding emotion regulation strategies as well as numerous other references I can provide you with at request , suppression is NOT an effective emotion regulation strategy; those individuals that engage in suppression rather than reappraisal, or intellectualizing strategies, are LESS effective at regulating emotions.

So your entire premise is false. This actually makes them LESS likely to use effective strategies of regulation in times of crisis. Many studies have shown an increase in regulation using reappraisal, and increased stress and less regulation help using suppression. The literature on this concept alone is very fascinating.

I can make some recommendations if you want further reading on this. Conservatives are MORE likely to respond with a visceral reaction, not less that is mentioned in the direct quote from the research. Regarding greater emotional self-management and being objective and principle-driven, you are right—those qualities would be valued in leaders. But those are traits of the liberal thinking style, not conservative.

I think you might be projecting an expectation bias into your reading of the article. Let me know if there is anything else you have possibly misinterpreted, and I will try and clear that up as well. First, there are too many cultural laden definitions at play.

You cannot study the brains of conservatives if the label is fluid to begin with. Secondly, it is the liberal brain that gets to frame the study, and therefore the debate. This is an interesting intellectual exercise but drawing hard conclusions is really premature. The ability of the above readers to draw diametrically opposed conclusions is evidence of that.

Unfortunately, you are fallaciously slanting the the idea of suppression of emotion. Suppression in this sense is not value-laden. Suppression is simply keeping them in check, a purely adaptive function. You also assume that greater suppression means less appraisal. This does not follow. These functions work holistically in the brain. I hope, as a side note, you understand the ethical implications of your conclusions?

It was rightly criticized just as yours is here. I can take the exact same data and draw a rational conclusion opposite of yours even if you disagree. If the research only muddies the water, conclusions based on the data are likely premature. In the end this is just another way to dismiss a whole people-group as less intelligent or capable.

I assume as a liberal you are repulsed by that too? It is obvious you are trying to provoke me and are teetering on the edge of insulting my scientific integrity, and.. Sorry to spoil the fun. However, I did find a short, easy to read comprehensive look at the different types of emotion regulation strategies and their effectiveness, and providing the link for you.

This review focuses on two commonly used strategies for down-regulating emotion. The first, reappraisal, comes early in the emotion-generative process. It consists of changing the way a situation is construed so as to decrease its emotional impact. The second, suppression, comes later in the emotiongenerative process.

It consists of inhibiting the outward signs of inner feelings. Experimental and individual-difference studies find reappraisal is often more effective than suppression. Reappraisal decreases emotion experience and behavioral expression, and has no impact on memory. By contrast, suppression decreases behavioral expression, but fails to decrease emotion experience, and actually impairs memory. Suppression also increases physiological responding for suppressors and their social partners. This review concludes with a consideration of five important directions for future research on emotion regulation processes.

Chris: You are absolutely right—there are definitely some conservative leadership skills that are valuable and effective. I was merely pointing out to Dr Larry that he was misattributing the traits described in the article to the wrong cohort. I understand that this is science and there are no final answers, but why so much about why these findings are not conclusive?

Obviously, this is a very exciting area, albeit a work in progress. I also hope we can finally begin to bring out into the open those ideas that we have learned from torturing millions of our chimp cousins and seeing how they mining the studies might help us out of the world mess we are in! So when a conservative receives an information stimulus that causes anger—e.

Chris 60 , you ask the most important question! My opinion is that you cannot judge a philosophy and that what conservatism is and its adherents based solely on the size of one portion of the brain any more than you can judge the intelligence of certain races or nationalities. There was one study that showed that gay men had enlarged amygdala. Does this mean that gay men are conservative thinkers? Many conservatives I know are constantly suppressing their emotions because of their grief on seeing the destruction of a way of life, or holding back anger at being called stupid, racist, or uncaring—when none of these things are true empirically or anecdotally.

Extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence—neither these studies nor Andrea do this, especially when castigating so many. Conservatives are stupid because they have slightly larger amygdala? Goes with what I have been saying for quite some time. Then, once something has become common, they embrace it and then act like they invented it. We tried unfettered capitalism back in the day. It was a disaster. Imagine that. I enjoyed your post, but it is flawed by assuming the conclusion. You imply that people we consider stereotypical conservatives are emotional and anti-change, while those we consider liberal are logical and pro-change.

None of these 3 stereotypes, change, logic need be correlated. We currently have affirmative action, social security, and a budget deficit. These have been around for the lifetime of most people. But the people who want change—elimination of these things—are generally ones we would label conservative. And the liberals who are working hard to defend these ideas. Only problem I have with your reasoning is that you say liberal style of thinking is more in line with scientific thinking.

Another Discover magazine blogger Razib at GNXP recently wrote a few posts on how conservatives and republicans are more sceptical about astrology than liberals and democrats. This would be in line with conservative thinking being against change and liberal thinking leaning towards novelty. I have some issues with this article. For example, conservatives in America are ardently against federal programs like Social Security, even though the program has been around for as long as just about anyone alive in America can remember and its a tremendously stable system of consistency, that provides not only individual stability in old age, but stability to the entire American economy.

Free-market capitalist industrialization is radical, it is the driving force of radical social transformation. I think that some of those extrapolations generally derive from a lack of understanding that, in the US today, there is a large and growing gap between the actual definition of a sociopolitical term, and both its usage by politicians, and its assumed meaning by the average voter. This is the same focus of the Meyers-Briggs and other personality tests: when we learn how others perceive the world and make decisions, we can at least deal with one another on the basis of that understanding, as opposed to blind opposition.

Similarly, A can try to understand that B is thinking and speaking more generally, trying to take all factors into consideration equally. I think this is also far from being in any way judgmental, and actually, a highly useful tool for improving how we relate to, and work with, others. Kuszewski, Andrea, fantastic post!

I plan on sharing this! It was quite an interesting read. I completely agree with your final part of the post, that we must learn to communicate better. I have gotten into arguments where I am citing this, that, and ten others, while the other person just yells things at me. And to the so-called Liberal 47 — Terry? Liberal: marked by generosity, open-handed. Many conservatives and Republicans would like to reform Social Security, but very few are ardently against it. Diverse data proves my point:. I have no desire to analyze your long post.

I just wanted to show how disconnected your analysis is from the actual data. Classical liberalism, my interlocutors patiently explain to me, is that wonderful notion of the free market elucidated by Adam Smith that worships the idea of freedom. The modern version, by contrast, is committed to expansion of the state and, if taken to its logical conclusion, leads to slavery.

One must choose one or the other. There really is no such thing, therefore, as modern liberalism. If you opt for the market, you are a libertarian. If you choose government, you are a socialist or, in more recent times, a fascist. But so foreign is this idea to them that they stare at me in utter disbelief. Sometimes the market does pretty well and it pays to rely on it. Sometimes it runs into very rough patches and then you need government to regulate it and correct its course.

No matters of deep philosophy or religious meaning are at stake when we discuss such matters. A society simply does what it has to do. Both of them possessed an expansive sense of what we are put on this earth to accomplish. Both were on the side of enlightenment. Both were optimists who believed in progress but were dubious about grand schemes that claimed to know all the answers. For Smith, mercantilism was the enemy of human liberty. For Keynes, monopolies were.


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It makes perfect sense for an eighteenth century thinker to conclude that humanity would flourish under the market. For a twentieth century thinker committed to the same ideal, government was an essential tool to the same end. By definition, a conservative wishes to conserve and a liberal does not. This brings us to one of the problem of American politics. Raico takes on all comers, disposing of all opponents of the market from Keynesians to Marxists and everyone in between, with crackling prose and sizzling wit. He provides clarity to a history that is often slanted and distorted. Multiple reference lists contained in the book will serve as a classical liberal treasure trove for students and scholars for decades to come.

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